MAURER: Conner Prairie’s allure keeps growing
Conner Prairie, an outdoor immersion history museum, offers modern-day time travelers an opportunity to experience long-ago life on the prairie at the Conner residence in what is now Fishers.
Conner Prairie, an outdoor immersion history museum, offers modern-day time travelers an opportunity to experience long-ago life on the prairie at the Conner residence in what is now Fishers.
The Indianapolis Motor Speedway and the IndyCar racing series are far too important to the Indianapolis economy for their fate to rest entirely in the hands of a small board populated by members of the same family.
Thornton Dial created his own artistic rule book; the results are stunning.
First in a month-long series of reviews of restaurants with numeric names.
Investors eager to capture return are frequently attracted to investments that offer high yields. But before leaping into them, they should remember the useful idiom: “There is no free lunch.”
Deregulation of monopolies tends to almost always make consumers better off. Indiana’s broad and effective telecommunications reform of 2006 is a classic example of this.
How can Indianapolis, and cities throughout America, continue to feed the beast that is sports?
Hoosier Democrats may find that their solon sojourn in Illinois invokes Newton’s law of political physics: Every action has an equal and opposite reaction.
Things are getting crazy as state resources diminish. Our governor is clearly out of touch with reality. He wants to abolish the 1:600 ratio for elementary school counselors to students on top of drastically cutting back state-supported mental-health programs.
In “Tough love for public education” [a column in the Feb. 14 issue, Greg Morris makes] several excellent points.
I found Morton Marcus’ [Feb. 21 column], “Rethink government consolidation now” provocative and in alignment with my thinking.
Thank you very much for your accurate [Feb. 28 editorial] on the Indiana horse industry.
I can’t help thinking how ironic it is that Wisconsin—home of the “cheeseheads”—is the most prominent example of what happens when political leadership stubbornly refuses to deal with an economic landscape that has changed.
Clearly, any group of workers with incomes in excess of their proportion in the economy are villains.
In a better world, politicians would talk to voters as if they were adults. They would explain that discretionary spending has little to do with the long-run imbalance between spending and revenues.
Because the Obama team never found the voice to fully endorse the Tahrir Square revolution until it was over, the people in that square now know one very powerful thing: They did this all by themselves.
What we get with Reagan are a series of disconnects and contradictions that have led us to a situation in which a president widely hailed as a hero of the working class set in motion policies that have been mind-bogglingly beneficial to the wealthy and devastating to working people and the poor.
In an affluent information-driven world, people embrace post-materialist mindset. They realize they can improve their quality of life without actually producing more wealth.
On the gay rights front, Republicans in Iowa, Indiana, West Virginia and Wyoming (where Matthew Shepard was tortured to death) are among states pushing constitutional amendments to ban same-sex marriage.
“The question is,” says an American staff officer in the play, “are we on our ninth year in Afghanistan, or are we on our first year for the ninth time?”